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Moldova goes to the polls for the second round of presidential elections on Sunday. But, as voters focus on the country’s coronavirus response and its faltering economy, ties to Russia are also a key topic of debate.
The incumbent, President Igor Dodon, is nearing the end of his first term and is calling for re-election. The former leader of the Socialist Party faces a tough challenge from his former liberal prime minister and former coalition partner Maia Sandu, who passed the first round of voting with 36% of the vote. Dodon finished second with about one in three votes cast for him.
The former Soviet Republic, which borders Romania and Ukraine, is one of Europe’s least popular destinations for tourists. However, it attracted a high-profile visitor in Russian President Vladimir Putin, who made multiple trips to the country in the name of building closer relations. In return, his counterpart, Dodon, visited Moscow dozens of times during his tenure, positioning himself as a close ally of the Kremlin.
Putin offered Dodon the same support in 2019, as his allies in the Socialist Party struggled to form a coalition government after the highly contested parliamentary elections ended in stalemate and plunged the country into crisis. policy. The Russian president pledged to continue to support the Moldovan leader, “so that they eventually get rid of these [opposition parties] that – to put it mildly – has usurped power … and, despite possible internal differences, finds the strength to build cooperation in the interest of Moldova and its people “.
The situation was resolved only with the formation of an unlikely alliance between the historically “pro-Russian” socialists and the “pro-EU” Action and Solidarity Party, led by Sandu, who assumed the role of prime minister on schedule. of the agreement. Putin praised the deal to end political turmoil, saying this “What President Dodon and his former opponents, what can be called the pro-Western parties, have now taken is a step towards building a capable, civilized and modern state.”
Now standing to replace Dodon as president, Sandu has exploited relations with Russia as a divisive issue for Moldovan voters. His party continues to demand closer ties with countries like Germany and Poland and portrays itself as a supporter of Western-style social liberalism. A former World Bank economist herself, she has pledged to seek financial support for the country from the European Union.
Dodon, on the contrary, asked for a “equilibrium” to be maintained in relations with Moscow and Brussels, which it defines as Moldova “foreign friends and partners”. However, tensions over ties with Russia have created political problems for him in the past and the president has accused pro-EU opposition parties, including Sandu, of “cause a crisis” in April, attempting to block a Kremlin-backed loan to the country of over $ 230 million. He wrote it on social media “It is not the conditions that worry them, and not the details of the agreement, but the fact that Moldova will receive the money”.
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Moldova’s economy, already one of the poorest in Europe, has been hit hard by the coronavirus pandemic and depends on support from abroad. An October United Nations report predicted that the country’s economy would contract “6.7% this year” with the pandemic it has “interrupted every aspect of life”.
Sandu made the nation’s troubled finances a key part of his campaign, stating that “a third of Moldovan (companies) are on the verge of bankruptcy because the current authorities have not helped the economy at all”.
Corruption in Moldova also continues to be a major problem and Western state-funded NGO Transparency International reports that the country is among the world leaders in illicit dealings, with one in five Moldovans paying a bribe for public services in the country. ‘last year.
The fragile coalition government of Socialists and Liberals made progress on the issue, but eventually came to a dead end on the processes of appointing senior legal officials below that led to the deal being concluded.
In an interview with reporters last month, Sandu argued that diplomatic relations were suffering due to illicit relationships, stating that “relations with the EU and the United States went from bad to worse, because Igor Dodon tried to establish good relations only with Russia; but also with Russia, he used this for his personal interests; not to settle the problems of the country. ”
Dodon himself lashed out at foreign influence, arguing that Moldovans who lived abroad, for example in Western Europe, and who voted by mail were “lost sight” with the needs of those who still live in the countryside. The results show that around 70% of those voters supported Sandu. He added that “we can say that the diaspora represents, in a real way, a parallel electorate for Moldova”.
Transparency International, which receives millions of euros in grants from countries across Europe and the United States, responded to Dodon, reiterating allegations that its ties to Russia are for personal gain. Veaceslav Negruta, an analyst at the NGO based in Moldova, exclaimed “‘Parallel electorate’? The lives and health of many people here at home depend on these people [in the diaspora]. They constantly think about those who are at home. They are more connected with their homes, with Moldova than with a president who serves foreign interests. “
For its part, Moscow has expressed concern about the political influence in the country. In October, the country’s foreign intelligence service (SVR) warned him “preparations for the arrival in Moldova of a group of American specialists of the” color revolution “with political tasks”.
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If Sunday’s vote were to split along these lines, Dodon would likely be the winner. The candidates who finished third and fourth in the first round, Renato Usatii from our party and Violeta Ivanov from the Șor party, are both widely regarded as Eurosceptic and pro-Russian. Together, their voting share represents more than 20 percent, the entire margin of victory.
However, while Moldovan politicians may see economic and political opportunities in positioning themselves as pro-west or pro-east, these labels are unlikely to resonate at home. While polls show Moldovans are fairly evenly divided in their support for Brussels and Moscow, low wages and corruption are more likely to focus the minds of voters, one in five of whom live below the poverty line. Most Moldovans may not have geopolitics in mind when they vote on Sunday, but the elections will no doubt be closely followed by those in Moscow and Brussels, as the future of one of Europe’s poorest nations is set.
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