Nabil Fahmy writes: The Arab World and the Middle East Crises

The Arab summit was scheduled for spring of this year in Algeria, and it is indeed strange that Arab leaders did not meet, at least electronically, in light of the multiplicity of risks and the enormity of the enormous challenges facing the region. face up to.
Whatever the reasons for the postponement, following the repercussions of the Corona virus, or for different political considerations, or for the different positions on how to deal with the dossier of Syria’s return to the Arab summit, or on how to deal with Libya, Qatar, Turkey , Iran, Israel, East Africa, etc. The absence of public dialogue between Arab leaders in light of all the events we are witnessing gives the wrong political message to the enemy and friend that Arabs could not move to face the dangers, and fuels frustration and Arab society’s feeling that the fate of the region lies in the hands of others.
The time has come for the Arab world to wake up and tackle its challenges quickly and seriously, before it transforms from president into a marginalized party into an arena where it enjoys the majority, with all the internal and regional risks and difficulties. that this contradiction carries over time.
I believe that the Arab world desperately needs a meeting, or at least a dialogue at the summit level, and in the shortest possible time, not because the Arab leaders have shown their magical effectiveness in the past, although their credibility has greatly diminished. in recent decades in light of their failure to address many challenges.
Rather, what motivates me primarily to insist on calling for dialogue at the level of the Arab Summit is the growing ambitions and interventions of non-Arab Middle Eastern countries at the expense of Arab rights on the one hand, and the tendency of more countries of the international community to focus their contacts and consultations on Arab issues only on those countries, With the Arab side ignoring many issues, which is what we have seen in Russian and American contacts with Iran, Turkey and Israel.
In order for the Arab world to avoid the political abyss that is teetering on its edge and start regaining some of its role and position, it must start organizing its Arab conditions and find an appropriate equation to restore at least some of the action. common Arab as soon as possible, even if it takes to restore full confidence. Among the Arab brothers a considerable period of time, because the gravity of the situation in the region and its threat to Arab national and regional security requires clear and explicit procedures of urgency to address and address many issues, and in particular to mention their importance:
First: Turkey’s foray into the arena and Arab issues in Syria, Libya, Iraq, the Red Sea basin and East Africa, and again invoking the void of its historical rights, parallel to its attempt to bolster its geopolitical position.
Second: the concentration of Iran and its followers in the Levant and Levant in general, and the expansion of its influence in the Gulf, and the water fields connected to the Arabian Gulf, Yemen, the Strait of Hormuz and Bab al-Mandab , to organize a growing regional role, especially with the reduction of the American role in the Middle East and the wavering of its policies.
Third: The Arab-Israeli peace process has faltered and continued, and attempts to break the foundations of the peace process, which we have witnessed so far, including from Benny Gantz, the Israeli defense minister, who some presumed was seeking peace and a better alternative than Likud, and this affects the stability and national security of a number of Arab countries. Especially Jordan and other countries in the Levant, and even Egypt and the Gulf, and all the Arab countries that are calling for a comprehensive Arab-Israeli peace.
The main and common goal of Turkey, Iran and Israel is not just to expand their influence in the region, but to strategically change their identity from the Arab region and elsewhere to the Middle East region, which contains a number of dispersed Arab countries. and ineffective.
It is no exaggeration to say that it is difficult to address these fundamental policies and challenges without reorganizing the Arab house, and the street is not in slogans or auctions, but with frankness and persistent diplomatic work.
It is simply not possible to limit the reign of Iranian interference in the Levant without changing relations between Syria and the Arab world, and this will not be possible without the Syrian return to the Arab League, which is difficult to achieve without Syria taking steps towards the Arab world. , especially with regards to its relations with Iran towards the parts that Was and still is at odds with it in the Arabian Gulf, as I see no space to limit Iranian influence in the Arab Mashreq without opening (Arab-Arab) channels to limit the space available to Iran in Lebanon and Iraq, an effort whose chances of success diminish by the day as Iran is full. Arab space.
Effective engagement in Turkish arrogance also requires a firm and frank Arab position on illegal military support practices in Libya, transgressions on Syrian territory and their joining military bases in Iraq despite the nose and without the approval of the national government in the country, and other practices that affect the national security and internal stability of many. From the Arab countries.
Although I do not hold the Palestinian split responsible for the stalling of the Arab-Israeli peace process, I am sure it will be difficult to cope, in whole or in part, with the Israeli annexation measures of the West Bank of the Jordan River, which will eliminate any remaining hope for the dream of peace between the two countries, or they will restore the Arabs to take the reins. Invoking respect for the rights of Palestinian citizenship and the establishment of their state, without reconciling the Palestinian situation and returning to the framework of the global citizenship of the Palestinian state, which is a necessary step not to justify the heartbreaking division of dealing with Palestinians as states and provinces that exploit the distinction between them to approve Middle Eastern agreements and annex new land to Israel at the expense of the people. Under the weight of occupation, Palestinians will fail in the political and popular confrontation of upcoming Israeli measures in light of their division.
All these problems and conflicts are repercussions and results of practices that reflect a lack of respect for international law, interference in the internal affairs of neighboring countries, and the pursuit of regional hegemony which should not be tolerated or accepted in the future, and we must not remain silent about the current regional situation, which has a heavy price for us, and we will not witness any progress towards change with the continuation of the Arab situation as it is.
Frank’s honesty also requires that matters not be resolved alone without the response of all the different Arab parties, so that each party comes out, at least externally, with some result of Arab rapprochement, even if it is not on a level of equality because there is no equality between right and wrong, but action is necessary and in the interest of all Arabs in the long run, as foreign domination is ultimately at the expense of all Arabs, so we must find diplomatic ways to ensuring the provision of a measure of success and interest for all and saving face for others.
In light of all these considerations, and in light of the harsh and existential conditions facing Arabs, I underline the importance and urgency of Arab swift action with tangible steps, so that we are ambitious if we are to return from the brink of ‘political abyss, and bold to take positions and measures at the Arab level, or at least at the national level between compatible countries, so that we can bear the credibility and weight of our defense of others to support our position and take responsibility towards of those who break the law.
The difficulty in reaching agreement on all these elements is not an excuse, nor the reason for not starting to deal with them, or settling for rhetorical statements about the Arab consensus, and reaching general formulas that have not been implemented, or even making decisions to register positions policies, even if there are aspects to this. Positive and useful, such as those issued by the recent Arab ministerial meeting on Libya and on water rights for Egypt and Sudan, but these decisions are insufficient and lack concrete measures against those who harm Arab interests and threaten our national security.
We must work seriously to take steps to build confidence in unresolved and controversial Arab tracks and to propose diplomatic mechanisms active in our attempt to find Arab positions of consensus, and this can be achieved by assigning an Arab leader or a limited number of them as coordinators for each of these issues. As for Syria, Yemen, Libya, Turkey, Iran and Israel, the Arab-Israeli peace process, and so on, in order to pave the way and prepare the diplomatic ground and build trust for communication after that between the parties directly concerned, the question has no more than a serious and honest treatment in the face of the challenges of the time that threaten the interests of the roots and identity of the Arab word.
Quoting from Arabic Independent