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The rehabilitation of Arabism is a matter of life and death
Our nation is a state after a state
The absence of a national speech is one of the main reasons for the rise of sectarianism
Isolationism has impeded the construction of unified Arab power
Our political and media discourse must take into consideration the expressions of "Arab nation", "Arab nation" and "Arabism"
It is easy to say, and we must say, that we Arabs are not "martyrs, we are the children of the Arab nation" as the title of this article.
It is easy, and we must do it, to criticize the violence of these writings in the West, which speaks of the "death of Arabism" and the end of the Arabs "and of the fall of the Arab nation" and to reveal their criminal schemes behind them as we did in the previous article.
But we must ask ourselves and ask this question: what have we done with our Arabism? What have we done with our Arab national identity and the hopes for integration and unity?
The answer will be bitter without a doubt .. We are incredulous starting from our Arabism, and some of us who started the war on it and boasted about this, and for this we paid a very high price.
This is what we will discuss in this article, in order to arrive at a single result: the rehabilitation of our Arabity has become a matter of life and death.
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What have we done with our Arabism ?!
This fierce campaign that they have undertaken in the West for decades on Arabs, Arabs and Arab national membership is one of our main responsibilities.
We intend that, regardless of their goals and plans behind this campaign, it is we who encourage them to do so. If it were not for us, which were left in our arabity, beginning with all that is theoretically and practically understood, it would not have been so.
When we say that we mean that all of us, without exception in the Arab world, are responsible for it, both at the official Arab level, and at the level of thinkers, researchers, writers and analysts, as well as the various forces of civil society.
All of us in the Arab world at all these levels have never realized the destiny of ourselves: we did not know the value of our Arabity and our Arab national bond, and how it is the greatest source of our strength, if we know how much we know how to turn it into a real force for the national state and for the Arab nation.
I recently read a Western study that is very surprised at why and how the Arabs did not take advantage of the period of national rise in the 50s and 60s in a result that is not necessarily the unit politics, but at least the Arab economic integration. The study is stunned by the fact that the Arabs are not yet able to exploit the factors of national unification of their countries and peoples. This study states that it is a strange and anomalous situation: the minimum level of translation of what the Arab countries and peoples collect from ties is at least economic integration, something that has not happened.
The question is: why did we end up in this situation? Why could we not transform this enormous power that we possess into our national bonds into a real force?
The answer is simple: because we have already denied our Arab identity, because it is we who have begun, before the West embarks on a war against Arab nationalism.
Arab countries rather than Arabism and Arab research of unity and integration opted for isolation, at the level of public discourse and at the level of current policies, choosing to go each country separately from any Arab front or Arab block.
For decades, isolationist tendencies have become prevalent in Arab countries at official Arab levels, as well as at the level of Arab cultural, intellectual and media discourse.
Behind these isolationist tendencies there were many causes and many factors.
For these reasons, for example, the financial resources available to the Gulf States due to oil.
These financial resources have made some ruling elites in some Gulf states think to provide them with the means they want and the status and influence of the individual without the need for other Arab countries, or any form of unification or Arab integration.
And these oil financial resources mean that some do not want to renounce any part of it as an exclusive sovereign right for them for any other purpose, such as Arab integration.
Under this isolation, it was only natural that Arab official interest in Arabism and all associated policies and attitudes would be reduced.
This is accompanied by the absence of intellectual, cultural, research and media elites in the Arab world for national discourse and the abandonment of related issues such as integration and Arab unification.
Not only that, but we found in the middle of isolationist tendencies and the disappearance of national discourse, up to an ignorant Arab political discourse and media, not to say stupid, publicly boasting of its disbelief in Arab nationalism and Arabism: we found politicians, intellectuals and Arab writers who publicly ridiculed the statements, Arabic and calls for Arab integration or unity.
They echoed what they say in the West, without thinking, and participated in the war against Arabism. Of course, this was a disastrous speech that deceived Arab public opinion.
One of the main reasons is that the Arab states did not generally build a modern civil state. This deficit has given way to an increase in forces and political, intellectual and social groups hostile to Arabism and to their interest in fighting it.
For example, one of the consequences of this deficit has been the one we have witnessed in the last decades of the frightening rise of Islamic forces and groups, which represented a great hatred and hostility towards Arab nationalism and any Arab unity.
As we know, these Islamic forces and groups hate Arabism and fight it not for any general Arab interest that it conceives, but for an Islamic nation that believes that our first and last loyalty must be before any allegiance to our Arab nation. and for an imaginary Islamic caliphate According to them, be a substitute for any Arab integration or union.
Moreover, due to the Arab incapacity to build the foundations of marital status, we have witnessed in recent decades a great increase in sectarian forces and groups.
These sectarian forces and groups have no loyalty to their countries, not to mention loyalty to Arabism. These forces and these groups are mostly linked to the agendas of foreign countries, that is to say, the agendas of the countries that seek to destroy the Arab states and any Arab integration.
These forces and these groups are fighting Arabism because they realize that under the domination of a national and national Arab discourse and culture, they will have no place.
So, very briefly, what we did with our Arabism, we denied it and fought it as it is in the West.
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The terrible price
We do not need to say that we have paid a very high price in the Arab world for what we have done in Arabism in this way.
We have paid a heavy price both at the level of the individual Arab countries and at the general Arab level.
Only at the Arab level, Arabism has been one of the main causes of some of the serious crises experienced by Arab countries and has hindered the process of building a civil state.
Suffice it to say that this absence of Arabism and national discourse in recent decades has been one of the main reasons for the rise of sectarianism, as we have mentioned all the serious consequences associated with it.
In the absence of an Arabism as one of the greatest pillars of Arab identity, it was natural for this to allow the sectarian and tribal sub-regions to thrive in our societies.
The prevalence of these sub-identities was to the detriment of national civic identity altogether, to the detriment of national loyalty, and higher than the narrowness of sectarian and tribal confessions.
Meanwhile, sectarian and sectarian groups and political forces have emerged, which have dedicated extreme and violent sectarian speeches, some of which have become the direct terrorism that our countries have suffered and continue to suffer.
As we know, the absence of the Arab project and the expansion of the sectarian project were a terrible loophole exploited by states and forces hostile to the Arab nation, and used as a tool to pass their destructive plans.
The absence of the integrated Arab project has deprived many Arab countries of the strategic benefits of Arab public support in the framework of integration or unification projects that could have resolved many of their crises and contributed to the nation-building process.
At the Arab public level, the Arab countries united, the price paid was even more severe.
It is simply that this isolationism, unfaithfulness and the sacrifice of Arabism have prevented a united Arab force in any form capable of defending the nation and of facing threats and threats that threaten the Arab countries.
The absence of this unified Arab force had disastrous consequences, first of all:
The first is that every Arab country has faced alone the threats and threats it has faced, isolated from any Arab support supported by it. These dangers, however, were very serious and behind them there were great powers and the Arab countries could not face them alone.
Secondly, the absence of this Arab force has left the Arab arena empty. It was natural for regional and global countries to come forward to fill this void and impose their existence and agendas on the Arab nation and try to destroy the Arab countries.
As a result of all this, we all know it and we do not need any details .. Arab countries have lost, and others have sunk in chaos and destruction, and the whole Arab people have displaced .. And foreign countries they are controlling the capacities of many of our countries.
That it happened very briefly that we left these foreign countries identified by our Arab states after the state and do what they want of destruction and sabotage.
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rehabilitation
Everything we talked about in the previous article and in today's article, we wanted to get a specific result from it. Time to restore the consideration of our Arabs. Time to restore the consideration of our Arab nationalism. It is time to reconsider the Arab integration and the hopes of Arab unity.
We are not exaggerating when we say that this consideration is for our countries a matter of life and death.
The rehabilitation of Arabism is an essential necessity for building the Arab state on modern civil bases away from sectarianism, the rhetoric of extremism and religious and isolationist violence.
.. is a crucial necessity for the consolidation of our collective Arab identity and the minimization of destructive sub-identities.
It is essential if we are to deal effectively and efficiently with the threats and existential threats that our Arab states face individually and collectively.
The obvious question is: how do we react to our arabity? What exactly is required?
We all take responsibility in the Arab world.
Above all, the main and main responsibility lies with our leaders and our Arab governments.
It is Arab leaders and Arab governments who need to be aware of and understand the critical importance of the rehabilitation of Arabs and Arab monotheism. This must be reflected in his official political and media discourse. This is of crucial importance because we know that many or more of the vast majority of our nations are walking in official speech. If our governments decide to rehabilitate Arabism, they will become a mainstream discourse.
The other important thing is that Arab governments must be deprived of their isolationism and narrow vision, and realize that Arab integration and the building of a unified Arab power is a crucial necessity for all our countries, without exception.
Regardless of the attitude of Arab governments, Arab scholars, intellectuals, thinkers and the media have a great responsibility.
All of these must consider Arabism and the discourse of integration and Arab unification, in their research and their writings.
Researchers at Arab research centers should once again raise the crucial importance of reviving the national discourse in their studies and research and should again increase the importance of Arab integration and unification. Arab at all economic and political levels.
Writers and Arab journalists must do the same in their writings.
Arab intellectuals in general must urgently make national discourse on the Arab scene.
This act of Arab intellectuals will in itself be a factor of pressure on Arab governments to reconsider their positions and policies.
In our Arab countries, we need well-considered cultural programs that restore our Arabism, programs aimed at school children, Arab families and all the forces of civil society.
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Three observations that we consider important We would like to end this speech:
1. All of us in the Arab world must realize, and I have repeatedly pointed out in my writings, that our Arab nationalism is not a political ideology, to be in agreement or disagree with it, as we do with the socialism or capitalism, for example.
2. I invite all Arab intellectual, cultural and media elites in all their writings and speeches to return to the use of expressions such as "Arab nationalism", "Arab nation", "Arab nation" and "Arabism". This is not a question of formality. It is a necessity to promote public awareness of our Arabism and pride in our Arab nation.
3. One of the biggest reasons for optimism, after all, is that at a time when the political and intellectual elites of our Arab countries have denied our Arabism, the Arab peoples have not.
Our great Arab peoples leave no other opportunity than to affirm their attachment to their arabitude and pride for their belonging to the Arab nation. All our Arab peoples in every Arab country and in every part of the world share the concerns, pain and hopes … that everything that is happening in an Arab country, good or evil, belongs to this.
The position of our Arab peoples in this way is a great basis for a new Arab awakening in which we take into account our Arabism and the hopes for Arab integration and unification.
Read more about "Mr. Zahra"
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